(the text is slightly different from that appeared on the manifest, which took no account of the latest fixes)
many meetings and discussions to which I happened to participate I got the impression may underestimate the importance of an issue "pre-political", which took a huge weight in the mobilizations of recent months and that may have an even more in building a united front to fight. The events of the Feb. 13 women were called on behalf of the dignity of their kind. This has allowed many other more "political" to emerge and make their way into this container, general denunciation of insecurity, unemployment, explicit or implicit (the so-called "discouraged workers"), the gender pay gap, the "glass ceiling" careers, lack of social services, the permanence of an intolerable imbalance in the distribution of household loads, the compulsion to prevent seclusion evening for violence and harassment on the street (I forget surely many others). Alone, none of these issues would have the capacity - and in fact had not - to impose itself on public attention with the force that was on February 13, to earn the square, to give women knowledge of their abilities and their reasons. The claim to dignity has opened a path to all gigantic.
I no in the referendum of Mirafiori and Pomigliano have also been, first, another claim to dignity. Probably none of those who voted no not expect to win; e tantomeno di ottenere qualcosa di diverso da quello che si voleva imporre con il sì. Tuttavia quei no hanno aperto un varco alla Fiom, che li ha sostenuti. E, poi, a un vasto schieramento di lavoratori, precari e no, di comitati di lotta, di esponenti della “società civile” che hanno deciso di sostenerli in un processo che alla fine ha costretto una riluttante CGIL alla proclamazione dello sciopero generale (che è solo un primo passo verso altre mete, ancora tutte da definire).
Nella rivolta di studenti e ricercatori (e di uno ahimè sparuto gruppo di docenti) contro la legge Gelmini non c’è solo la denuncia della paralisi a cui è stata ridotta l’università; c’è soprattutto la rivolta contro il degrado e il disprezzo in cui vengono relegati conoscenze, ricerca, saperi critici, desiderio di appropriarsene, sforzi e dignità degli studenti. Ancor più le mobilitazioni degli studenti medi, che già l’anno scorso avevano accompagnato la rivolta di genitori e insegnanti contro i tagli alla scuola – dalle elementari alle secondarie – erano caratterizzate da una denuncia, sintetizzata nella frase icastica, mille volte ripetuta, “ci vogliono cretini e ignoranti”: che è l’epitome di una rivendicazione di dignità. La lotta per la difesa della cultura (quella che per il ministro Tremonti “non si mangia” e quindi non merita rispetto. Lui mangia ben altro!) nasce the same feeling.
Anyone in recent years (or earlier) has gone abroad, or in contact with any citizen of another European state can not be left humiliated by the fact that "others" are watching us now and ask us as Martians and require us how do we govern by a gangster, who is also a clown, and even a patient who buys a car satyriasis girls. There is something inside all of us who eats and feeds an impulse - the more annoying the more helpless - to deliver in any way from this conviction. On the other hand it is the art. 41 of the Constitution, what the government wants to abolish to say that the economic initiative can not be exercised, as well as against the social utility, freedom and security, even against human dignity. The one that Berlusconi wants to take away forever.
's claim to dignity is an aspiration which is rooted in the individuality of each one, but that is reflected and landing points only in a shared process of mutual recognition: recognition of the value, capabilities, potentials, but also difficulties, sufferings, weaknesses with each other. In a word, in a context of solidarity. As such the claim of his own dignity is the exact opposto della competitività, della volontà e della ricerca di una affermazione a spese degli altri, che è stata ed è il fondamento, più o meno esplicito, dello Zeitgeist; cioè dello spirito del tempo che ha dominato gli ultimi trent’anni e che si è concretizzato nel cosiddetto “pensiero unico”.
Una visione del mondo che nella sua dimensione strutturale si chiama liberismo: una dottrina che giustifica (più che praticare) la competizione universale – una versione totalizzante di “darwinismo sociale” – come soluzione “naturale” di tutti i problemi, sistema ottimale per “allocare le risorse” e promuovere il benessere di tutti. Ma che personally led the promotion and legitimization of universal servility. Because the most effective, fast and easy way to make inroads at the expense of others is totally becoming subject to who is higher up the social hierarchy. The commercialization of bodies, thoughts, actions, writings, votes, broadcasts, statements, political affiliations to which Berlusconi has accustomed for years is just the tip of the iceberg, the most grotesque and visible, of a feeling that permeates the whole 'universe dominated by single thought.
is not a matter of "values". It 's a structural fact, which is rooted in everyday behavior of a multitude of subjects; nei condizionamenti a cui ciascuno di noi è sottoposto da una precarietà sempre più diffusa, che investe ogni aspettio del vivere associato; non solo il lavoro, ma tutto: reddito, casa, famiglia, scuola, assistenza, relazioni, traffico, salute, futuro. Non è un problema solo italiano: in Francia ha scalato le classifiche un pamphlet (ora tradotto anche in italiano) di Stéphane Hessel, 93enne già membro della resistenza francese, dal titolo Indignatvi! E l’ultimo saggio di Serge Latouche (un autore su cui mantengo molte riserve) mette comunque al centro della sua proposta di decrescita la riconquista della dignità della persona. Segno che il problema non nasce solo da Berlusconi. L’esempio maggiore del value and dignity of the weight is still there at this time the revolt of the Arab peoples.
E 'wrong then see in those pre-political factors, of which antiberlusconismo was undoubtedly a catalyst, but also involving many - students, workers, intellectuals, unemployed men and women - that Berlusconi has been and perhaps will voters still an element "misleading", which could direct the movement towards false goals. Perhaps preparing the ground for an alternative to Berlusconi that safeguard and perpetuate the most significant features and "structural" state policy. E 'wrong for two reasons. The first
is that we have entered a time of great upheaval: no economist - or almost - had predicted the current crisis, and no one really knows if and how it comes out. But no political analyst predicted the explosion of riots in the Middle East and no one dares to predict whether and how to get out of it. In particular, as will emerge Berlusconi's Italy. What is certain is that a way forward based on cheap oil (to continue to march - and sell - millions and millions of cars, and everything else) and the "stability pact" that Europe is developing to bind up the plunder of income and living conditions of workers has not many chances to withstand the current turmoil.
The second reason is that the inventory of the damage caused by years of Berlusconi (such as opposition to the government) has not yet been done, and can not be done until that Berlusconi will remain in government. But in the end will come to light a world of rubble in productive, employment, environment, public administration, culture, politics, the "public spirit". No one knows this better than those who would or could take its place.
If Berlusconi continues to rule, not because he bought twenty or thirty deputies as he bought one hundred eighty or escort for his nights out. And 'because no "hard power" for now has an interest in putting in crisis, or else they would in a week. And not because those powers that be do not feel the weight of an ineffectual government, but, until hard, lets all - Confindustria, Fiat, Church Mafia, Armed Forces, Freemasonry - to follow his own path. That (see Fiat, see Church) is still a great way to breath. But once done out of Berlusconi, and cleared his story-telling power - including its ability to rise from its ashes like a phoenix, or your coffin as Nosferatu, is an essential component, to which the so-called left has all the contribution that could - with the new owners had the task of taking charge of that world of rubble. And no, for now, has not found the courage to do so or convenience
We must prepare ourselves to do it ourselves. Not us "left" (which will never be?) But we want to regain our dignity. How? Nobody knows yet. But many of us would like to know what to do and with whom. It is to recreate a public space, thousands of public spaces, where the "do", without being influenced by the impotence of the opposition parties, go back to talk about "the great" in a free exchange. The world is changing very quickly. If for better or worse depends also from all of us.
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